Week of February 22

Week of February 22

In the autumn of 1967, North Vietnamese forces began assembling near Khe Sanh, a remote outpost located on Route 9, the east-west highway that crossed Quang Tri province, South Vietnam’s northernmost region. Photographic reconnaissance, unmanned sensors, and intelligence gathered by Montagnard tribespeople who inhabited both sides of the South Vietnam-Laos border warned MACV officials that the Communists planned a major offensive in the area. William Westmoreland interpreted these signs as ominous evidence that the enemy planned to besiege U.S. Marines and South Vietnamese ARVN forces at Khe Sanh in a repeat of the successful strategy the Viet Minh employed against the French at Dien Bien Phu. MACV responded to this concern by reinforcing the Marine garrison at Khe Sanh, improving the base’s airstrip, and, most critically, allocating airpower resources in order to attack enemy forces should they expose themselves around Khe Sanh.

Today, historians question whether the North Vietnamese ever intended for Khe Sanh to be a repeat of Dien Bien Phu. Westmoreland proposed this theory, and some journalists latched onto the idea at the time. Later, after the Viet Cong launched the Tet Offensive against urban areas in South Vietnam, many observers deduced that the siege of Khe Sanh merely had been a diversion tailored to draw allied forces away from cities. A later group of scholars, those with access to captured North Vietnamese documents and postwar published accounts, took issue with this interpretation. These historians argue that the Communist strategy in 1968 diverted from previous years in that it followed a new principle of “general uprising, general offensive.” According to this plan, Viet Cong insurgents in the South would incite a popular revolution with attacks on government assets in the cities, while a conventional invasion would simultaneously detach Quang Tri province and the important city of Hue from the rest of South Vietnam. Hanoi hoped this plan would lead to an unrecoverable political crisis in South Vietnam, compelling the Saigon regime to form a coalition government with the Communists in order to restore stability. The United States, Hanoi hoped, would grow frustrated with a war that seemed unwinnable and abandon Southeast Asia. In the short term, however, this strategy failed.

This week we focus our attention on one reason why the allies defeated the “general uprising, general offensive” of 1968: the use of tactical airpower in South Vietnam. Although we acknowledge that Khe Sanh probably was not supposed to be another Dien Bien Phu, all sieges share common characteristics. At Khe Sanh, and unlike Dien Bien Phu, the defenders had a crucial new weapon, the B-52 Stratofortress, the world’s heaviest bomber. And this weapon played an important—Westmoreland believed decisive—role in determining the battle’s outcome. “The thing that broke their backs was basically the fire of the B-52s,” the general surmised afterwards.

As the North Vietnamese positioned military assets around Khe Sanh, MACV planned Operation NIAGARA, an aerial interdiction campaign designed to defend the outpost. Target areas around Khe Sanh were divided into two-by-one kilometer rectangles and assigned a number. Each rectangle was deemed to be the amount of space a flight of three B-52s could saturate with bombs in a single mission. This tactic posed new challenges because the region around Khe Sanh was covered by low-level clouds and fog during the night and morning hours of the day. Therefore, most airstrikes, and especially those launched by high-altitude B-52s, had to be guided by the Skyspot radar system. The large number of Marine Corps, Navy, and Air Force aircraft continuously operating in this region made coordination difficult, so MACV placed General William M. Momyer in charge of all fixed-wing air operations around Khe Sanh. However, planners at MACV, and often William Westmoreland himself, selected most of the targets. A controversy soon developed between General Momyer and Lieutenant General Robert E. Cushman, commander of the III Marine Amphibious Force, over the limits of using the Skyspot technology to guide airstrikes against targets located near friendly lines. Momyer insisted Skyspot radar transmitters safely could deliver ordnance within 400-500 feet of friendly forces when dropped from fighter-bombers and within 1,000-1,500 feet when delivered by B-52s. Unsurprisingly, the Marines on the ground showed less enthusiasm for the B-52’s use in close air support. MACV eventually compromised, requiring 3,000 feet of separation from friendlies for normal B-52 strikes and 1,000 feet if an enemy attack had “developed in force.” The first close-in B-52 missions began at the end of February after several test runs; by the end of the campaign, the 3rd Air Division had conducted 444 of such sorties.

In total, the United States Air Force mobilized 104 B-52s for Operation NIAGARA. These bombers were distributed between three bases: 66 launched from Guam, 23 were stationed in Thailand, and 15 flew from Okinawa. In total, B-52s flew 2,548 sorties during the campaign. Time intervals between strikes varied between 30 and 90 minutes to keep the enemy off guard, but air and ground crews worked around the clock to prepare aircraft for the missions or guide them to targets. Accuracy assessments for the B-52 strikes were difficult to measure because the principle method for evaluating airstrikes was aerial photography. Cloud cover, darkness, and the pockmarked moonscape around Khe Sanh meant that less than 10 percent of B-52 strikes could be adequately scored. The best assessments came from Marines on the ground, but siege conditions made scouting missions outside the wire dangerous. MACV estimates claimed that during the period between 15 January and 31 March 1968, United States bombers destroyed 274 enemy defensive positions, destroyed 17 enemy weapons positions, and counted 1,382 secondary explosions. Although body count is a problematic metric for determining the outcome of a military action, it remains clear that the North Vietnamese paid dearly for their campaign against Khe Sanh. MACV intelligence estimated that the Communists lost as many as 10,000 soldiers during this operation, and historians later have confirmed from North Vietnamese sources that two divisions, the People’s Army of Vietnam 304th and 325C were unfit for combat following this campaign. On 1 April, MACV launched Operation PEGASUS, a campaign to link the Marines at Khe Sanh with allied forces moving west along Route 9. A week later, elements of the 1st Cavalry Division reached the Marines’ lines outside of Khe Sanh, and the campaign came to an end in mid-April.

Historians continue to debate the “riddle of Khe Sanh,” a campaign that appears as mysterious today as it did to observers at the time. Some question why the North Vietnamese would sacrifice so many troops in a precursory diversion to draw allied forces away from urban areas in anticipation of the Tet Offensive. Other historians insist that the Tet Offensive served as the real ruse to draw MACV’s attention away from Khe Sanh. The third group combines both arguments, insisting that the Communists adopted a combined insurgency-conventional invasion strategy in 1968. It seems likely we will not possess a clearer picture of what the Communists hoped to achieve at Khe Sanh until the documents held in military archives in Hanoi are made accessible to all researchers. And even with this information, the debate might continue indefinitely.1

1Bernard C. Nalty, Air Power and the Fight for Khe Sanh (Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History, 1973), 82-88; Peter Brush, “The Battle of Khe Sanh,” The Tet Offensive, eds. Marc Jason Gilbert and William Head (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996): 191-214; Bernard C. Nalty, Air War over South Vietnam, 1968-1975 (Washington, D.C.: Air Force History and Museums Program, 2000), 26-27; Ang Cheng Guan, “Khe Sanh – from the Perspective of the North Vietnamese Communists,” War in History 8, no. 1 (2001): 87-98; William M. Momyer, Air Power in Three Wars (WWII, Korea, Vietnam) (Maxwell AFB: Air University Press, 2003), 341-47;

Operation NIAGARA Infographic

 

This graphic shows the contribution B-52s made to Operation NIAGARA. Although the B-52s flew the lowest number of sorties by type of aircraft, the venerable heavy bomber’s tremendous payload caused this type of aircraft to deliver the greatest tonnage of ordnance during the campaign. (United States Air Force)

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In late February 1965, a U.S. helicopter pilot spotted a 130-foot North Vietnamese vessel anchored in South Vietnam's Vung Ro Bay. Investigators discovered the ship was carrying...
Week of March 12 Week of
March 12
As the United States commenced a bombing campaign against North Vietnam, American leaders grew concerned about the possibility of Communist retaliation against U.S....
Week of March 5 Week of
March 5
On March 2, 1965, U.S. Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps aircraft commenced the bombing of military, industrial, and infrastructure targets in North Vietnam. Called...
Week of February 12 Week of
February 12
On February 12, 1973, a group of American prisoners of war (POWs) lifted off from Hanoi's Gia Lam Airport, in North Vietnam, aboard a U.S. Air Force C-141 Starlifter. These men...

 

Route 9

Route 9 ran from the border with Laos to the strategic town of Dong Ha, Quang Tri province, South Vietnam’s northernmost region. Control of this corridor was essential for the Communists to launch attacks along Route 1 against the populous coastal cities of Hue and Da Nang. (United States Marine Corps)

Bombs Hitting Troop Positions

An aerial photo of the aftermath of a B-52 strike. One aircraft could carry 108 500-pound bombs. Three bombers could destroy everything in a 1x2 km rectangle. Airstrikes such as these cratered the area around Khe Sanh, transforming the hills into a moonscape. (United States Air Force)

B52s During Operation NIAGARA

B52

B-52 Stratofortresses conducting airstrikes around Khe Sanh during Operation NIAGARA. (United States Air Force)