Week of December 7

Week of December 7

In this week in the history of the Vietnam War we return to December 1964, a tumultuous period during which President Lyndon Johnson, frustrated with the South Vietnamese leadership’s inability to form a stable government and effectively prosecute the war, decided to intervene in the conflict with U.S. combat troops. This decision to introduce foreign combat troops into the Vietnam War prevented the Communists from achieving a quick victory in 1965 and dissuaded the South Vietnamese from ending the conflict through a negotiated peace with the Viet Cong. Nonetheless, the reversal of fortune caused by the United States’ intervention probably impeded the quarrelsome generals and politicians in Saigon from accomplishing their most important long-term objective, the creation of a stable, popular government in South Vietnam. As a result of Johnson’s decision, the Vietnam War suddenly became an American war.

Throughout 1963, Buddhist groups in South Vietnam had conducted sustained protests against the Saigon government. Insisting that Diem’s regime privileged Catholics over Buddhists, two influential bonzes, Thich Tri Quang and Tam Chau, set off a movement that paralyzed cities in South Vietnam. Student demands for civil freedoms joined the Buddhists’ calls for religious privileges, and television broadcasts of violent protests and self-immolations encouraged American audiences to believe the Diem government was losing control of South Vietnam. Although Diem made a few conciliatory gestures to placate the protesters’ demands, the Kennedy administration gradually lost confidence in the Ngos brothers’ capacity to maintain order in South Vietnam and prosecute the war against the Communists. By the fall of 1963, the president and his chief advisers had become convinced a political change in Saigon was preferred.

On the evening of 1-2 November 1963, a group of high-ranking South Vietnamese military officers murdered Ngo Dinh Diem and his brother, Ngo Dinh Nhu, in a coup. The plotters, now calling themselves the Military Revolutionary Council, then proceeded to dissolve Diem’s National Assembly, declare null the constitution of 1956, purge all ministers, permit civil freedoms that had been gradually restricted by the Ngos, and release imprisoned dissidents. Led by General Duong Van Minh, the Military Revolutionary Council committed South Vietnam to a two-tiered structure of government, whereby the generals shared powers with civilian officials. Minh retained the highest position as head of state, while Nguyen Ngoc Tho, the vice president under Diem, was named prime minister, the top civilian post in the provisional government. Additional cabinet-level posts were filled with generals and inexperienced bureaucrats with one curious omission: General Nguyen Khanh, one of the most powerful men in South Vietnam, was reassigned to be commander of I Corps, the tactical zone located adjacent to the North Vietnamese border and farthest from Saigon. The United States recognized this interim government on 8 November 1963.

Despite Minh’s conciliatory gestures to Buddhist activists, the protest movement did not dissipate. The generals attempting to govern South Vietnam faced an existential dilemma: Protesters called for the removal of all Diem-era officials, but these same individuals were the only bureaucrats with the experience and talent needed to manage the government. Adding further stress was the Viet Cong, which used uncertainty in Saigon as an opportunity to escalate its attacks on government assets. Some historians have even speculated that leaders of the Buddhist movement such as Tri Quang sympathized with or may have even served in the Viet Cong, but American officials at the time doubted this connection. Furthermore, Tri Quang called for an escalated war against North Vietnam in 1964 in hopes the United States’ bombing of Hanoi would end the conflict quickly and the Communists punished him with torture and decades of house arrest after the fall of Saigon in 1975, both of which shed doubt on whether Tri Quang clandestinely worked as a Viet Cong agent during this period.

The United States and some of the most militant anticommunist generals in South Vietnam feared that political instability and a weariness with the war against the Viet Cong might inspire Minh to strike a negotiated settlement with the Communists or, even worse, invite the President Charles De Gaulle of France to return to Vietnam, so they were relieved when General Nguyen Khanh returned from I Corps and deposed the leadership in a bloodless coup on 30 January 1964. In order to win legitimacy in the eyes of the Americans, Khanh enabled Minh to retain a seat on the Military Revolutionary Council, but he gave many senior posts to military commanders and politicians who had been privileged under Diem. This decision, tailored to fill posts with competent leaders, drew renewed protests from the Buddhists and other groups in South Vietnam, who again felt the state ruled over them as a neocolonial regime. To calm the Buddhists, Khanh removed some Diem-era officials and ordered Diem’s younger brother, Ngo Dinh Can, executed, a sentence that was carried out despite protests from U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge. Still, Tri Quang remained recalcitrant, insisting that Khanh continued to mistreat Buddhists by enabling Diem-era officials and Catholics to serve in the government.

South Vietnam’s military situation did not improve as a result of Khanh’s rule, and this contributed to the general’s political problems. Engagements with the Viet Cong, such as the Battle of Long Vinh, revealed poor leadership and motivation within ARVN. In August, the attack and alleged attack on U.S. naval vessels in the Tonkin Gulf prompted Lyndon Johnson to order reprisal bombings against North Vietnam. Khanh cheered on greater U.S. involvement, but he also expanded emergency measures against protestors with the issuance of the Vung Tau Charter, a constitution that merely reaffirmed the military dictatorship. Meanwhile, the Buddhists continued their protests, sometimes attacking government buildings and radio stations. Khanh met with Tri Quang and Tam Chau and relented to some of their demands by implementing liberal reforms and promising to dissolve the Military Revolutionary Council in favor of a National Assembly within the coming year. Concessions to the Buddhists, however, upset several Catholic generals within the Military Revolutionary Council, who then approached the new U.S. ambassador, Maxwell Taylor, with a proposal to replace Khanh with Minh. Taylor, fearful a political change would further erode the government of South Vietnam, dissuaded the plotters. Aware that his support within the Military Revolutionary Council was slipping, Khanh responded by threatening to resign. As a result, the generals agreed to create a triumvirate led by Khanh, Minh, and Tran Thien Khiem, another general involved in the coups against Diem and Minh in 1963 and 1964, to rule for a short transition until a civilian government could be formed in October.

In September 1964, Khanh, under pressure from the Buddhists, dismissed Interior Minister Lam Van Phat and Duong Van Duc, the IV Corps commander. These two individuals responded by launching their own coup attempt and seizing several buildings in Saigon. Khanh eluded capture and flew to Da Lat, a resort town in the Central Highlands. Officials from the U.S. Embassy trailed Khanh in hopes of convincing the general to return to Saigon and reassert his rule, but he refused unless the Americans publicly backed him as the ruler of South Vietnam. U. S. Embassy staff also met with Phat and Duc in Saigon, but they concluded it was better to endorse Khanh. The putsch quickly collapsed within 24 hours as a result of the intervention of Air Marshall Nguyen Cao Ky. Subsequently, Khanh returned as head of state in Saigon, imprisoned Phat and Duc, dispatched his two co-rulers from the triumvirate—Minh and Khie—on diplomatic missions abroad, and purged ARVN of senior officers who had not come to his aid during the failed putsch. Many observers hoped the uncertainty had come to an end on September 26 when Khanh authorized the creation of the High National Council, a civilian advisory body which would be tasked with ushering in a new, non-military government.

The High National Council selected Phan Khac Suu, an octogenarian and past member of Bao Dai’s government, to be head of state, but the tasks of day-to-day governance fell to the new prime minister, Tran Van Huong, a former teacher. Behind the scenes, however, the generals plotted both against Huong’s civilian regime and against one another. Under the advice of the Americans, Huong attempted to reverse South Vietnam’s military failures by increasing the size of ARVN and lengthening terms of conscription, and he sought to put an end to the crippling protest movement by declaring martial law. Buddhists, students, and other opposition groups responded by escalating the unrest. Behind the scenes, Khanh and Air Marshall Ky feared that Huong was attempting to return Minh to power, so they devised plans of their own. To preempt any return of Minh and other Diem appointed generals, Khanh, Ky, and members of a group of officers that historians have labeled the “Young Turks” requested that Suu forcibly retire any officers who had served for more than 25 years. Suu passed this decision on to the High National Council, which refused to endorse the request. Consequently, the “Young Turks” dissolved the High National Council and arrested Minh and about 30 other aging officers and civilian officials. The upstarts left Huong undisturbed, believing they could control him.

Fearing that the government teetered on the edge of collapse, Ambassador Taylor invited several of the aggrieved generals to a meeting, during which he chided them for undermining the United States’ war effort in Vietnam. This dressing-down, delivered by a white foreigner, was deeply offensive to the Vietnamese generals. General Ky later remarked that Taylor treated them like the French did, and Khanh, who was not present at the meeting but aware of what had happened, informed journalists that Taylor was imposing a new form of colonialism on Vietnam. Refusing to heed the Americans’ advice, the generals reaffirmed their decision to dissolve the High National Council and created their own new institution, the Armed Forces Council, as the replacement. Despite Taylor’s warnings to withhold military aid, Khanh refused to let the Americans influence South Vietnamese governance.

A standoff developed between the South Vietnamese and the Americans, with each side making empty gestures designed to placate the other. The generals publically reaffirmed their confidence in Huong as the principle player in the civilian government, but they refused to reinstate the High National Council. The Americans, for their part, were unable to affect the course of events in South Vietnam because to withdraw military support for war effort would lead to a quick and embarrassing defeat. Journalist Stanley Karnow summarized the situation aptly: For the military junta in Saigon, “their weakness was their strength.” At the end of January, Buddhist protests once again engulfed South Vietnam. This time, however, demonstrators attacked and burned a library set up by the U.S. Information Service in Hue and protested in front of the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.

Exasperated by the inability of the civilian government to maintain order, Khanh again intervened into politics by replacing Huong with the economist Nguyen Xuan Oanh on 27 January 1965. Several weeks later, on 16 February, Khanh replaced Oanh with a former official from the Bao Dai government named Phan Huy Quat. These moves were read by members of the Armed Forces Council as attempts by Khanh to submit the weak, albeit independent, civilian government to the general’s will. Three days later, Generals Lam Van Phat and Pham Ngoc Thao, a clandestine Communist, initiated yet another coup against the dictatorial Khanh. With the aid of Ky, who arranged for a daring escape from Tan Son Nhut Air Base, Khanh evaded his captors and fled to Da Lat by airplane. Ky then mobilized loyal troops to march on Saigon and threatened to bomb plotters occupying Tan Son Nhut Air Base. Phat and Thao then surrendered on the condition that Khanh be exiled, a deal brokered in part by the United States. On 23 February, the Armed Forces Council named Khanh ambassador-at-large and permitted him a dignified send-off from Tan Son Nhut Air Base. He never returned to Vietnam, living in France and various cities in the United States until his death in 2013.

The veneer of a civilian government persisted for another four months, as factions of generals, Buddhists, Catholics, and other opposition groups all vied for power in South Vietnam. In early June, exasperated by the chaos and plotting, yet another group of officers ousted the elderly chief of state Phan Khac Suu, and the prime minister, Phan Huy Quat. General Nguyen Van Thieu became the new head of state and Air Marshall Nguyen Cao Ky was named the new prime minister. William Bundy, who served as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, labeled this pair as “the bottom of the barrel.” Thieu suspended political freedoms, persecuted opponents, and ruled South Vietnam as a corrupt dictator for the next decade. Interestingly, both Tran Van Huong and Duong Van Minh returned to the historical narrative as nominal rulers of South Vietnam for very short periods in April 1975, as the country collapsed in the face of the final Communist offensive. Minh fled to California for a life in exile, but Huong remained in Vietnam, where he lived as a dissident until his death in 1982.

This year and a half of political dysfunction in South Vietnam spurred the United States to intervene with combat troops in the Vietnam War in March 1965. American foreign policy since the Eisenhower presidency had insisted military aid to Saigon be contingent on political progress, but the Johnson administration broke with this prerequisite in hope of propping up a domino in South Vietnam, at best a tactical victory in the Cold War. Historians have noted that the series of palace intrigues and coups during this period sapped the motivation from the ARVN rank and file, but the Viet Cong responded with no serious offensive. Instead, the Communist strategy remained consistent: Maintain persistent pressure on the government in Saigon in order to encourage a negotiated settlement or hasten the collapse of the political regime in the South. President Johnson, some historians charge, chose war in 1965 despite ample opportunity to disengage. These scholars stress that—despite the CIA’s and State Department’s pessimistic intelligence prognoses on South Vietnam, the press’s openness to consider negotiations with Hanoi, the United States’ Cold War allies tacit support or, at least, not overt opposition to negotiations, and South Vietnamese malfunction—Johnson and the American foreign policy bureaucracy selected the riskier long-term option because stubbornness and pride precluded these individuals from acknowledging setback and reversing course.1

1Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History (New York: Viking Press, 1982), 378-86; Fredrik Logevall, Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 257-99; James McAllister, “‘Only Religions Count in Vietnam’: Thich Tri Quang and the Vietnam War,” Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (2008): 751-82; Mark Moyar, “Political Monks: The Militant Buddhist Movement during the Vietnam War,” Modern Asia Studies 38 (October 2004): 749-84; Spencer C. Tucker, ed. The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: A Political, Social, and Military History, 2nd ed. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011), 1138-39.


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Week of September 3 Week of
September 3
On September 5, 1961, Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara informed the service secretaries that he planned to establish a new command, under the Military Assistance...
Week of August 27 Week of
August 27
On August 23, 1966, the U.S. Army 1st Infantry Division launched Operation AMARILLO, a search-and-destroy and road security operation in III Corps, covering parts....
Week of August 20 Week of
August 20
On August 18, 1966, near the Australian army base at Nui Dat, southeast of Saigon, 108 Australians from Company D of the 6th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment (6RAR)...
Week of August 13 Week of
August 13
Between August 9 and 11, 1968, U.S. Army Sergeant Robert Woods and his team of "tunnel rats" from the 1st Infantry Division achieved one of the most important successes...
Week of August 6 Week of
August 6
In August of 1966 Naval aviators of Helicopter Combat Support Squadron One (HC-1)began flying UH-1 “Huey” helicopters in III Corps and IV Corps over the twisting waterways of the...
Week of July 30 Week of
July 30
On July 29, 1967 the aircraft carrier USS Forrestal (CV-59) was on Yankee Station in the South China Sea off the coast of North Vietnam. Her crew was preparing a second...
Week of July 23 Week of
July 23
On July 24, 1965, F-105 Thunderchiefs were attacking an explosives factory in North Vietnam. A flight of four F-4C Phantoms provided air cover while and EB-66 Destroyer...
Week of July 16 Week of
July 16
The area around Da Nang, especially military installations, was subject to rocket attacks since that February. The area the rockets were fired from was called the "Rocket Belt". ...
Week of July 9 Week of
July 9
As units from the 1st Infantry Division continued to hunt the Viet Cong in the Binh Long province of the III Corps Tactical Zone, General William E. DePuy gave Colonel Sidney B. Berry of the 1st Infantry Brigade a special assignment to trick the enemy into ...
Week of July 2 Week of
July 2
Operation Thor, the joint mission to attack and destroy North Vietnamese long-range artillery facing the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), coast artillery batteries, antiaircraft positions, and staging areas for infiltration, supplies and transport, took place July 1 - 7, 1968....
Week of June 25 Week of
June 25
In 1967 this was the first full week of Operation GREELEY in the Central Highlands of II Corps. Two battalions of the 173rd Airborne Brigade, 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 503rd Infantry Regiment, were sent to Dak To to stave off attacks on a Special Forces camp. On...
Week of June 18 Week of
June 18
On June 18, 1965, the first ARC LIGHT Mission was flown by 30 U.S Air Force B-52 Bombers. It was flown against Viet Cong targets near Ben Cat north of Saigon. ARC LIGHT missions were distinguished from other missions by their need for a high degree of accuracy to hit well...
Week of June 11 Week of
June 11
On June 9, 1965 at 11:30P.M. elements of the Viet Cong 762nd and 763rd Regiments totaling at least 1,500 men attacked a Special Forces camp of the 5th Special Forces Group at Dong Xoai, and the adjacent district headquarters. The Defenders included eleven....
Week of June 4 Week of
June 4
On June 1, 1967, Task Force 117, the Mobile Riverine Force, became operational. It was a joint U.S. Army-Navy task force whose goal was to search out and eliminate Viet Cong elements in the waterways of the Mekong Delta. During operations, Navy gunboats...
Week of May 28 Week of
May 28
On May 26, 1967, Operation UNION II began in the Que Son Basin in southern I Corps. The 1st and 3rd Battalions of the 5th Marine Regiments were initially supported by South Vietnamese Rangers. They drove off the entrenched 3rd North Vietnamese Army Regiment...
Week of May 21 Week of
May 21
On May 22, 1964, the CIA-run airline known as Air America officially began to support search-and-rescue missions for downed American aviators in Laos and North Vietnam. Air America pilots flew piston-engine aircraft and helicopters for these and other covert...
Week of May 14 Week of
May 14
On May 10, 1969, U.S. and allied forces launched Operation APACHE SNOW, an effort to dislodge the North Vietnamese army from the A Sau Valley. The valley, adjacent to Laos,...
Week of April 30 Week of
April 30
In April 1975, South Vietnam was on the verge of collapse as the North Vietnamese army closed in around Saigon. With almost all U.S. troops having left Vietnam in 1973, the few...
Week of April 23 Week of
April 23
On April 24, 1950, President Harry S. Truman approved the contents of National Security Council Report (NSC) 64. The memorandum was drafted by the State Department and the...
Week of April_16 Week of
April 16
On April 17, 1956, three U.S. Army women nurses arrived in Saigon as part of a medical training team assigned to the U.S. Military Assistance and Advisory Group, Vietnam....
Week of April 9 Week of
April 9
At the end of 1964, with direct U.S. participation in combat operations poised to begin, there were about 23,000 U.S. forces in Vietnam. In less than five years, by the first...
Week of April 2 Week of
April 2
By the end of March 1972, there were fewer than 70,000 U.S. troops in Vietnam (after peaking in 1969 at over 540,000). Following President Richard Nixon's "Vietnamization"...
Week of March 26 Week of
March 26
On March 26, 1964, Air Force Captain Richard L. Whitesides and Army Special Forces Captain Floyd J. Thompson were conducting a reconnaissance mission aboard a small...
Week of March 19 Week of
March 19
In late February 1965, a U.S. helicopter pilot spotted a 130-foot North Vietnamese vessel anchored in South Vietnam's Vung Ro Bay. Investigators discovered the ship was carrying...
Week of March 12 Week of
March 12
As the United States commenced a bombing campaign against North Vietnam, American leaders grew concerned about the possibility of Communist retaliation against U.S....
Week of March 5 Week of
March 5
On March 2, 1965, U.S. Air Force, Navy, and Marine Corps aircraft commenced the bombing of military, industrial, and infrastructure targets in North Vietnam. Called...
Week of February 12 Week of
February 12
On February 12, 1973, a group of American prisoners of war (POWs) lifted off from Hanoi's Gia Lam Airport, in North Vietnam, aboard a U.S. Air Force C-141 Starlifter. These men...

 

Corpse of Ngo Dinh Diem

The corpse of Ngo Dinh Diem in the back of an armored personnel carrier in the early morning of 2 November 1963. Diem’s assassination, the product of a coup organized by a faction of rival generals, initiated a period of political instability in South Vietnam that lasted for the next 20 months. The seemingly endless series of plot twists, intrigues, and coups convinced American policy makers that the South Vietnamese were incapable of conducting the war effort on their own. This instability in Saigon inspired Lyndon Johnson’s decision to deploy United States combat troops to Vietnam in March 1965 (National Archives and Records Administration)

Nguyen Kranh

General Nguyen Khanh was one of the most intriguing actors in South Vietnam’s period of turmoil following the overthrow of Diem. On two occasions rivals forced Khanh to flee Saigon, but the general survived these plots against him. The United States strongly encouraged the South Vietnamese to adopt a civilian government, but charismatic generals such as Khanh continually undermined this government by removing officials they did not trust. (Dutch National Archives)

Nguyen Van Thieu and Nguyen Cao Ky

General Nguyen Van Thieu and Air Marshall Nguyen Cao Ky stand beside General William Westmoreland and President Lyndon Johnson. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs William Bundy labeled this pair, who seized power in June 1965, as “the bottom of the barrel.” Despite Thieu’s many faults, the general remained the ruler of South Vietnam until the tragic end in 1975. (National Archives and Records Administration)